This article is devoted to assessing the role of noble self-governance in the history of Russia. According to Boris Mironov, before the Great Reforms of the 1860s, each noble assembly was a part of civil society. This point of view has aroused objections and debate among Russian historians. Morozov analyzed the historiographical aspect of the problem and demonstrated the impact of the socio-political context of their scientific work on Russian historians. In his opinion, from a purely legal point of view, there is reason to conclude that the autonomy of noble assemblies increased in the first half of the 19th century. However, the question of the extent to which these opportunities were realized in practice has been poorly studied. In the literature, there are examples of effective methods of influencing the government at the noble assemblies despite legal restrictions, as well as examples of noble assemblies that did not restrain the arbitrariness of the crown authority, did not protect their members from its abuse, and did not serve as the expression of public opinion. Mironov’s attempt to place in doubt the fact of the widespread presence of absenteeism seems unconvincing to Morozov. However, he agrees with Mironov that after 1861, the nobility really became a part of civil society, because the activity of noble organizations increased substantially in many different directions, including the political. For almost half a century of its history, the noble corporate organization evolved from a traditional institution into a civil one, which retained many features of traditional organization.